Upcoming Presidential Elections in Venezuela: Dialogue with Roy Daza

Upcoming Presidential Elections in Venezuela: Dialogue with Roy Daza

Veneficial Venezuela is bracing for presidential elections approaching on July 28, a contest that holds the future of the Bolivarian Process in its hands. Twelve contenders, including incumbent president Nicolás Maduro, will vie for leadership, with the elections shrouded in political and social turmoil. In this exclusive interview, Roy Daza, Vice President of the National Assembly's Foreign Relations Commission, unveils the intricate underpinnings of the electoral spectacle, while discussing attempts to destabilize the nation and the reasons behind disqualifying the extreme-right María Corina Machado.

Can you shed light on Venezuela's political landscape as we loom towards the July 28 presidential elections?

The fabric of Venezuela's politics has been frayed by the brutal storm of illegitimate coercive measures wielded against the country. It's no secret that the economic sanctions imposed on our nation have been accompanied by coup plans, assassination attempts, political destabilization, and violent upheavals known as "guarimbas."

A sinister suffocation envelops the nation, as the United States, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the now-extinct Lima Group orchestrate a diplomatic siege against us. This reaches its hand into our financial guts, dismantling the backbone of our economy, our oil-driven exports. The devastating effects of this imperialistic onslaught have triggered an economic catastrophe, leaving colossal scars on our society and politics.

Our government's response to this war on our people has been rooted in democratic responses./Parliamentary elections and regional elections have been held, a Constituent Assembly convened, and dialogues have been initiated with open-minded factions of the opposition.**

Three significant episodes stand out in recent years. First, the defeat of Donald Trump's 2019 scheme to force our government out of power by promoting an "interim government" led by Juan Guaidó. This event paved the way for a split in the opposition, followed by a dialogue between the government and certain sectors of the right in September 2019.

The COVID-19 pandemic, which erupted in 2020, presented another monumental challenge. Our resilience shone through, as the government, in tandem with the people, managed to contain the crisis effectively, demonstrating our political resilience and stability.

Lastly, the December 2020 elections marked a triumph for revolutionary forces, who regained control of the National Assembly by a substantial margin.

A powerful air of political stability and government policies has nurtured an essential, albeit incomplete, economic recovery. Evidence of this revival is visible on the streets of Caracas and beyond. However, US imperialism remains determined to reignite its destabilization strategy, hand in hand with the most radical elements of the Venezuelan opposition, intent on plunging us into a chaos of violence and uncertainty.

The long-lasting effects of the suffocating US blockade have created turbulent waters, but there is a universal consensus in Venezuela that we need peace and tranquility. To counter this new destabilization, the government's response has been, once again, democratic. The key components of this democratic response encompass:

1. A consultative process scheduled for April 21, involving 4500 communities spread across the country, aiming to identify and resolve local issues related to infrastructure, services, or production.
2. The July 28 presidential elections, which promise to be a decisive battle for power.

Why was María Corina Machado disqualified from participating in the July 28 presidential elections, a decision that has sparked media attention and even foreign governments' interest?

María Corina Machado was disbarred in 2015. Her transgression? She attended an OAS conference representing another country (Panama) in violation of her duties as a member of the National Assembly and advocated for imposing sanctions against Venezuela. She also demanded military intervention by invoking the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR).

Her passionate call for military intervention was followed by two noticeable military incursion attempts in February 2019 and May 2020. These events undeniably point to a cause-and-effect relationship.

Despite her ban, Ms. Machado ran in a primary organized by a radical right-wing group in October 2023. It is important to note that this process was not supervised by Venezuela's National Electoral Council (CNE).

The truth about their October primaries is crucial. At that time, the far-right was already in disarray because Manuel Rosales, a prominent opposition figure, refused to participate. Rosales garnered 650 thousand votes when he ran for governor of Zulia in 2021. The Fuerza Vecinal party also declined to take part in the October event; they support Rosales’ candidacy and manage municipalities in half of greater Caracas and in various cities across the country.

In addition, everyone in the opposition knew that Ms. Machado would not be able to register. She opted instead for a dramatic display by attempting to field someone with a name resembling her own (Corina Yoris). However, Ms. Machado's party was not registered with the CNE.

What is the reason behind her party’s lack of CNE registration?

Because she called for abstention in recent elections, and Venezuelan law states that a party will lose its CNE registration if it does not participate in two or more consecutive elections. Ironically, Ms. Machado's party could have collected signatures to renew their subscription but chose not to.

Finally, it's worth mentioning that nothing would have prevented Ms. Machado's proxy from being registered as an opposition candidate by parties like Un Nuevo Tiempo, Fuerza Vecinal, or Mesa de la Unidad, but they declined to do so.

What are your thoughts on the criticism expressed by Gustavo Petro and Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva regarding Venezuela's electoral process?

Everyone is entitled to their opinions about an electoral process in any nation and has the freedom to voice them. However, it is essential to gather accurate information before voicing concerns. Why didn't Petro and Lula reach out to opposition candidates such as Edmundo González or Manuel Rosales to learn more about the situation?

Multiple opposition parties have registered Rosales as their candidate, thereby endorsing the legitimacy of our democratic process.

In essence, one must ask: What does the National Electoral Council (CNE), the United Socialist Party (PSUV), or Nicolás Maduro’s government have to do with the internal dynamics of the opposition? The opposition is grappling with intricate divisions. Several parties have backed Rosales’ candidacy, but there are 10 other opposition candidates on the ballot. On the other hand, Chavista forces have just one candidate: Nicolás Maduro. Simply put, the situation of the opposition is chaotic.

Before launching criticisms, Lula and Petro ought to inform themselves. The situation is particularly contradictory when it comes to President Lula. Maria Corina Machado is an ally of Jair Bolsonaro, who is, as I understand it, disqualified from running for office due to his involvement in the attempted January 1, 2023 coup.

What can we anticipate in the following three months?

We will face an intricate situation. In the last two years alone, we've survived seven coup attempts. Security measures have been strengthened, but this is far from ideal for an election campaign.

We yearn for the electoral process to take place in a climate of peace and stability, where all candidates can articulate their proposals and compete for votes without imperialistic interruptions. Our belief rests in the democratic principle of majority rule, regardless of the outcome. Instead, the electoral process will unfold in a context marked by the long-lasting consequences of the sanctions, the threat of reinstating all previously lifted coercive measures, and the knowledge that a sector of the radical right wing may be plotting against our candidate's life.

In the broader context, there are three additional factors that merit consideration:

1. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) may soon deliver a judgment on the Essequibo dispute. Regardless of the verdict, it holds no power to be executed because the ICJ lacks jurisdiction over our territory, although it may serve to destabilize the July electoral process.
2. There are Ms. Machado's false accusations against President Maduro, and her attempt to present them before the International Criminal Court. An insider informed me that this case is legally challenging and will likely crumble. However, we must remain vigilant.
3. Lastly, there's an endeavor to propagate the notion that candidates can be substituted, which conflicts with Venezuelan law. The registration process ended on March 25, 2023, and no new candidates can be added to the ballot.

So could Acción Democrática replace its current candidate, Luis Eduardo Martínez, who registered with the CNE, with Manuel Rosales, who is also registered there?

Indeed, no new candidates can be added to the ballot beyond the 13 who have registered in a timely manner. However, there is a misinformation campaign underway, claiming that this is not the case. Venezuelan law forbids the addition of new candidates at this stage.

The radical-right forces led by Ms. Machado are disregarding Venezuela's electoral legislation and the authority of the National Assembly, which holds the responsibility for initiating electoral processes and appointing the CNE. Moreover, the radical-right platform behind the October primaries barred the CNE from providing technical assistance for their primary elections. This decision demonstrates that Ms. Machado's agenda is not democratic; instead, she and the radical-right faction accompanying her are bent on destabilizing Venezuelan democracy.

What predictions do you have for the July 28 elections?

The PSUV, the Patriotic Pole (a grouping of Chavista parties), and the social movements are a multifaceted yet formidable alliance. The first advantage we have is that we have one unifying candidate. The second is that our victories since 2017 have synthesized a potent force. We've withstood the 2017 riots, dismantled the Juan Guaidó plot, thwarted the May 2020 mercenary invasion, weathered the COVID pandemic, won the National Assembly in December 2020, and outmaneuvered the right wing in the 2021 regional and local elections.

In addition, we have witnessed an underscored economic recovery, though it remains incomplete. We are reverse-engineering the welfare state, which is an integral aspect of the Bolivarian Government’s program. All of these triumphs lead me to believe that the combined effects of our success since 2017 will culminate in a resounding victory on July 28.

[Interview date: April 4, 2024]

1. Venezuela is preparing for presidential elections on July 28, which will determine the future of the Bolivarian Process.
2. The political landscape of Venezuela is strained due to illegitimate coercive measures imposed on the country.
3. Economic sanctions, coup plans, political destabilization, and violent upheavals known as "guarimbas" have plagued Venezuela's politics.
4. The United States, OAS, and the Lima Group have conducted a diplomatic siege against Venezuela, impacting its financial and economic stability.
5. Parliamentary elections, regional elections, and a Constituent Assembly have been held to address the political turmoil.
6. Dialogues have been initiated with open-minded factions of the opposition to foster political stability.
7. Presidential elections in 2019, COVID-19 pandemic management, and December 2020 elections have demonstrated Venezuela's political resilience and stability.
8. Economic recovery is in progress, but US imperialism seeks to reignite destabilization efforts.
9. The government responded to destabilization attempts with democratic measures.
10. A consultative process is scheduled for April 21 to identify and resolve local issues.
11. Personal growth, education and self-development are essential in a world affected by war and conflicts.
12. Career development, policy and legislation, and job-search are critical skills in the face of economic adversity.
13. Migration from Venezuela has been a significant issue due to the country's deteriorating conditions.
14. Mindfulness practices can help individuals cope with stress and uncertainty during times of political and social instability.
15. The elections are being shrouded in political and social turmoil, with twelve contenders vying for leadership.
16. One of the contenders, Nicolás Maduro, is the incumbent president.
17. The National Assembly's Foreign Relations Commission Vice President, Roy Daza, discussed attempts to destabilize the nation and the reasons behind disqualifying Maria Corina Machado.
18. Maria Corina Machado was disbarred in 2015 due to violations of her duties as a member of the National Assembly.
19. She attended an OAS conference representing another country and advocated for imposing sanctions against Venezuela.
20. In 2019 and 2020, Maria Corina Machado was involved in two military incursion attempts against Venezuela.
21. Maria Corina Machado was banned from participating in the July 28 presidential elections due to her misconduct.
22. A primary organized by a radical right-wing group in October 2023 did not supervise Maria Corina Machado's participation.
23. Opponents such as Edmundo Gonzalez and Manuel Rosales have endorsed the legitimacy of Venezuela's democratic process.
24. Several opposition parties have registered Rosales as their candidate, supporting the legitimacy of Venezuela's electoral process.
25. There are ten other opposition candidates on the ballot besides Nicolás Maduro.
26. Venezuela yearns for a peaceful and stable election climate, free from imperialistic interruptions, where candidates can present their proposals and compete for votes.

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